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Red Sepik
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Red Sepik
art tribal
Sali War Club
oceania | Fiji Islands
Sali War Club
Fiji Islands
Sali war club
19th century
Carved wood
Height: 110 cm – 43 ¼ in.
Provenance
Ex collection Alex Arthur, Brussels
Ex collection Edric van Vredenburgh, Brussels
Sali War Club 110 cm / Galerie Flak
Price on request
It was in 1643 that the Dutch navigator Abel Janszoon Tasman discovered the Fiji archipelago in the South Pacific. Traditional Fiji society was organized around clans and divided into hierarchal classes, with chiefs and priests found at the summit. War occupied a preponderant place within Fijian society. Battles served to reinforce the authority of chiefs as well as to multiply ties between different groups of allies.
War clubs conferred prestige on their owners. They demonstrated their prominent status as warriors.
These clubs are named after the clawed sali flower of one of the wild banana-like plants (Musa sp.), which grow on Fiji Islands. Also known as Cali, Thali, or Tebetebe, their longer, broader cheeks, and their more highly developed crest or spur distinguish them from the gata clubs.
The bladed cheeks were designed to cut through and snap bone rather than smash it. It has been claimed that the spur was used like the beak of a spiked battle-hammer or totokia to penetrate the skull, and that it was used to parry adversary’s club blow. Much used in dancing as were the other spurred clubs, Sali were often held by the spur in club dances, and many light Sali were specially made for dancing purposes.
The war club presented here is an exceptional example in terms of the quality of its sculpture.
War clubs conferred prestige on their owners. They demonstrated their prominent status as warriors.
These clubs are named after the clawed sali flower of one of the wild banana-like plants (Musa sp.), which grow on Fiji Islands. Also known as Cali, Thali, or Tebetebe, their longer, broader cheeks, and their more highly developed crest or spur distinguish them from the gata clubs.
The bladed cheeks were designed to cut through and snap bone rather than smash it. It has been claimed that the spur was used like the beak of a spiked battle-hammer or totokia to penetrate the skull, and that it was used to parry adversary’s club blow. Much used in dancing as were the other spurred clubs, Sali were often held by the spur in club dances, and many light Sali were specially made for dancing purposes.
The war club presented here is an exceptional example in terms of the quality of its sculpture.
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oceania
Ashanti
Heddle pulley
Archives | Ghana
Ashanti
Heddle pulley
Ghana
Early 20th century
Carved wood and pigments
Height: 5 ¼ in. – 13 cm
Provenance:
Ex collection Bernd Muhlack, Germany
Ex collection John & Nicole Dintenfass, New York
Published : “Conversations Intimes – Miniatures africaines”, 5 Continents Editions, 2017, page 166-167.
Ashanti Heddle Pulley 13 cm / Galerie Flak
Sold
As noted by the New York Metropolitan Museum of Art, used on the traditional narrow-band loom, heddle pulleys are functional objects used to ease the movements of the heddles while separating the warp threads and allowing the shuttle to seamlessly pass through the layers of thread.
The stylization and carving quality of this heddle pulley are remarkable.
The stylization and carving quality of this heddle pulley are remarkable.
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Archives
Kachina doll
Archives | Arizona
Kachina doll
Arizona
Mahu Katsina – Cicada Kachina
Hopi
Circa 1900
Carved wood (cottonwood), pigments and feathers
Height: 25.5 cm – 10 in.
Provenance:
Ex collection Galerie Flak, Paris avant 2003
Ex collection Maurice Solomon, New York, acquired from the above
Ex Sotheby’s New York, 22 Nov. 2021, A Passion For Collecting: Property From The Estate Of Maurice Solomon, New York, lot 94
Ex private collection, New York, acquired above
Publication
Esprit Kachina, Barton Wright, Ed. Enfance de l’Art, 2003, p. 58
Sold
Kachina dolls (or katsinam) represent spirits or gods from the pantheon of the Pueblo peoples in the American Southwest. Given to children, kachina dolls constituted a pedagogical tool allowing them to familiarize themselves with the spiritual world and perpetuating knowledge of the founding myths on which their society was based.
As André Breton used to say about kachina dolls:
"Is this not poetry as we continue to hear it?” (André Breton, Le Littéraire, 1946)
This doll is an early example of Mahu - Cicada Kachina. The cicada is a harbinger of a warm spring. As Barton Wright noted about this doll (Kachina Spirit, 2003 page 58), "this kachina’s face has become more elaborate through time and today has colored bands above the eyes and bottom of the cheeks. Superficially, this looks like a Koshari with the down turned eyes and striped horns, but these horns are of different colors. In addition, the Koshari never has a beak nor feather ears or a colored face as this one shows."
As André Breton used to say about kachina dolls:
"Is this not poetry as we continue to hear it?” (André Breton, Le Littéraire, 1946)
This doll is an early example of Mahu - Cicada Kachina. The cicada is a harbinger of a warm spring. As Barton Wright noted about this doll (Kachina Spirit, 2003 page 58), "this kachina’s face has become more elaborate through time and today has colored bands above the eyes and bottom of the cheeks. Superficially, this looks like a Koshari with the down turned eyes and striped horns, but these horns are of different colors. In addition, the Koshari never has a beak nor feather ears or a colored face as this one shows."
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Thule Figure
North America | Alaska
Thule Figure
Alaska
Needle case depicting a large human figure
Thule Culture – Ancient Eskimo
12th – 18th century
Marine ivory and leather
Height: 13 cm – 5 ¼ in.
Provenance
Collection Jeffrey R. Myers, New York
Collection Amy & Elliot Lawrence, New York, acquired from the above
Collection Galerie Flak, Paris
Collection Guy Porré & Nathalie Chaboche, acquired from the above
Publication
Art of the Ancestors: Antique North American Indian Art, Aspen Museum of Art, George Everett Shaw, 2004, p. 85
Thule Needle case 13 cm / Galerie Flak
Price : on request
According to Fitzhugh & Kaplan (Inua: Spirit World of the Bering Sea Eskimo, 1982 : 156), these carved figurines were carved for several purposes: to stand in for people absent from the village during festivals, to avert infertility, or else to focus the attention of animal inua (spirit) during the Doll Festival, which was held to bless hunting and fishing expeditions in the coming year.
Sewing equipment is a vital component for the subsistence of those residing in the Arctic region.
Of greater significance than a knife, of higher desire than sustenance, and of more critical importance than medication, the sewing kit emerged as the paramount survival tool for indigenous populations in the Arctic, where the most formidable menace to existence originated from the environment itself.
Sewing kits included copper, ivory or bone needles, sinew thread, an aul, a thimble, leather for storing needles, a bone or ivory needle-case, and a bone toggle for securing the case to an article of clothing.
Anyone traveling, man or woman, would pack a sewing kit. For instance, even the smallest tear in a kayak-skin would require immediate attention, necessitating the hunter to promptly sew and patch it on the spot.
Allowing for the creation of tailored clothing suitable for extreme conditions, the needle and the needle case were, according to curator Amber Lincoln (Sainsbury Centre, Norwich, UK) “the most important technology in the Arctic, full stop”,
This value was reflected in the effort makers put into their design, with intricately carved tubular cases created to provide adequate storage for delicate bone needles.
As noted by Steven Hooper, needle cases in human form are rare (Robert and Lisa Sainsbury Collection, Vol. 2: Pacific, African and Native North American Art, edited by Steven Hooper (Yale University Press, 1997) p. 248
Sewing equipment is a vital component for the subsistence of those residing in the Arctic region.
Of greater significance than a knife, of higher desire than sustenance, and of more critical importance than medication, the sewing kit emerged as the paramount survival tool for indigenous populations in the Arctic, where the most formidable menace to existence originated from the environment itself.
Sewing kits included copper, ivory or bone needles, sinew thread, an aul, a thimble, leather for storing needles, a bone or ivory needle-case, and a bone toggle for securing the case to an article of clothing.
Anyone traveling, man or woman, would pack a sewing kit. For instance, even the smallest tear in a kayak-skin would require immediate attention, necessitating the hunter to promptly sew and patch it on the spot.
Allowing for the creation of tailored clothing suitable for extreme conditions, the needle and the needle case were, according to curator Amber Lincoln (Sainsbury Centre, Norwich, UK) “the most important technology in the Arctic, full stop”,
This value was reflected in the effort makers put into their design, with intricately carved tubular cases created to provide adequate storage for delicate bone needles.
As noted by Steven Hooper, needle cases in human form are rare (Robert and Lisa Sainsbury Collection, Vol. 2: Pacific, African and Native North American Art, edited by Steven Hooper (Yale University Press, 1997) p. 248
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North America
Kachina Doll
Archives | Arizona
Kachina Doll
Arizona
Angak’Tsina – Long Hair Kachina Doll
Hopi
Circa 1900
Carved wood (cottonwood), pigments
Height: 7 ¾ in. – 20 cm
Sold
Kachina dolls (or katsinam) represent spirits or gods from the pantheon of the Pueblo peoples in the American Southwest. Given to children, kachina dolls constituted a pedagogical tool allowing them to familiarize themselves with the spiritual world and perpetuating knowledge of the founding myths on which their society was based.
This is a superb early example of the Long Hair Kachina doll
As Barton Wright noted in "Kachina Spirit" (2003), Angak'tsina is one of the most widely distributed kachinas. It is found at Zuni, Laguna, Acoma, Santa Ana, San Felipe, and Jemez pueblos. When this kachina comes he brings a soft gentle rain that is good for the crops. His song is much more melodic than many of the other kachinas. His loose hair is perceived as representing falling rain.
This is a superb early example of the Long Hair Kachina doll
As Barton Wright noted in "Kachina Spirit" (2003), Angak'tsina is one of the most widely distributed kachinas. It is found at Zuni, Laguna, Acoma, Santa Ana, San Felipe, and Jemez pueblos. When this kachina comes he brings a soft gentle rain that is good for the crops. His song is much more melodic than many of the other kachinas. His loose hair is perceived as representing falling rain.
Publication
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Archives
Snow Goggles
Archives | Alaska
Snow Goggles
Alaska
Ilgaak snow goggles
Inupiaq, Ancient Eskimo
19th century
Carved wood
Length: 5 in. – 12.5 cm
Provenance
Ex collection Jeffrey Myers, New York
Ex collection Amy & Elliot Lawrence, New York
Sold
These goggles called ilgaak or iggaak in the dialects of Alaska, were carved so as to echo as closely as possible the shape of the face, and minimize luminosity to a maximum – hence the narrowness of the openings for the eyes. The width of these openings had a direct influence on the wearer’s visual field. According to the Inuit, the more the visual field was reduced, the more visual acuity was accentuated.
Goggles with slits of different sizes were chosen to match climatic conditions (in particular according to the incidence and intensity of the sun’s rays as they varied with the seasons over the course of the year).
Around the beginning of March the returning sun begins to produce a glare on the snow covered Arctic landscape especially north of the tree line. By late April the country acts like a giant mirror reflecting ever more direct bright light.
The goggles varied according to the locality in which they were made and could be carved of wood, often driftwood collected on the shoreline, or whalebone or from the tusk of a walrus.
As noted by Bill Wolf, the harsh Arctic climate presented some unique impediments to the Eskimo hunter. The high latitude left the sun low on the horizon through much of the year, and the resulting glare was compounded by the highly reflective snow or water that covered the area. Without protection, a hunter’s eyes were left vulnerable to a painful and often serious condition known as snow blindness, similar to a sunburn. Ivory or wood snow goggles alleviated this effect by allowing the wearer to peer through narrow openings, while shading him from the excessive glare. Additionally, they afforded protection from wind, sleet, etc. while traveling.
In this artifact, an ingenious utilitarian object is elevated to the level of a work of fine art. These goggles been exquisitely sculpted to fit the contours of the hunter’s face. The economy of line is remarkable.
Goggles with slits of different sizes were chosen to match climatic conditions (in particular according to the incidence and intensity of the sun’s rays as they varied with the seasons over the course of the year).
Around the beginning of March the returning sun begins to produce a glare on the snow covered Arctic landscape especially north of the tree line. By late April the country acts like a giant mirror reflecting ever more direct bright light.
The goggles varied according to the locality in which they were made and could be carved of wood, often driftwood collected on the shoreline, or whalebone or from the tusk of a walrus.
As noted by Bill Wolf, the harsh Arctic climate presented some unique impediments to the Eskimo hunter. The high latitude left the sun low on the horizon through much of the year, and the resulting glare was compounded by the highly reflective snow or water that covered the area. Without protection, a hunter’s eyes were left vulnerable to a painful and often serious condition known as snow blindness, similar to a sunburn. Ivory or wood snow goggles alleviated this effect by allowing the wearer to peer through narrow openings, while shading him from the excessive glare. Additionally, they afforded protection from wind, sleet, etc. while traveling.
In this artifact, an ingenious utilitarian object is elevated to the level of a work of fine art. These goggles been exquisitely sculpted to fit the contours of the hunter’s face. The economy of line is remarkable.
Publication
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Archives
Songye mask
Archives | Democratic Republic of the Congo
Songye mask
Democratic Republic of the Congo
Female Kifwebe mask
Early 20th century
Carved wood, pigments and fibers
Height: 38 cm – 15 in.
Provenance
Ex collection Nadya Levi (1929-2021), Antwerp
Ex private collection, Brussels
Sold
This type of geometric mask represents a powerful female spirit of the Songye.
The style of this mask is highly reminiscent of cubist artworks.
As stated by Alisa LaGamma (the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York), “certain masking traditions of the Congo River basin personify local control of mystical power. Striated face masks known as Kifwebe probably originated in North Shaba, an area inhabited by both Songye and Luba groups. Among the small Songye chiefdoms along the Lomami River, maskers were emissaries of the ruling elite, who relied on the ideology of witchcraft and sorcery to sustain their rule. These Kifwebe members commanded a body of esoteric secret knowledge visually encoded mnemonically in the mask's features. Hierarchical distinctions between a single female mask and an unlimited number of male masks are reflected in color and in sculptural features”.
The style of this mask is highly reminiscent of cubist artworks.
As stated by Alisa LaGamma (the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York), “certain masking traditions of the Congo River basin personify local control of mystical power. Striated face masks known as Kifwebe probably originated in North Shaba, an area inhabited by both Songye and Luba groups. Among the small Songye chiefdoms along the Lomami River, maskers were emissaries of the ruling elite, who relied on the ideology of witchcraft and sorcery to sustain their rule. These Kifwebe members commanded a body of esoteric secret knowledge visually encoded mnemonically in the mask's features. Hierarchical distinctions between a single female mask and an unlimited number of male masks are reflected in color and in sculptural features”.
Publication
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Mumuye figure
Africa | Nigeria
Mumuye figure
Nigeria
Early 20th century
Carved wood and pigments
Height: 99.5 cm – 39 ¼ in.
Provenance
Ex collection Hélène Leloup Kamer, Paris
Ex collection Austin Newton, Princeton, Etats-Unis,
Acquired from the above in the early 1970s
Leloup Mumuye figure 99.5 cm / Galerie Flak
Price on request
"From concept to motion there is no hesitation. (The carver) has found an extraordinary harmony between movement, use of space, articulations, (...) all the acclivities are soaring. It is almost an architectural process."
Jacques Kerchache, Portrait, Quai Branly Museum, Paris, 2003
The Mumuye live in the foothills of the Shebshi Mountains near the banks of the Benue in eastern Nigeria. They used sculptures called Iagalagana in different rituals: the figures played a central role in ancestor worship and in curing ceremonies. Statues acted as intermediaries with the spirit world, contributing to bolster the status of the family that owned them.
The discovery in North-Eastern Nigeria of Mumuye statuary at the time of the « Biafra War » (1967-1970) came as a real shock. Out of the blue, a fascinatingly modern and inventive art became known to the Western public.
Mumuye sculptures are strikingly reminiscent of the works of major 20th century artists like Henry Moore or Alberto Giacometti.
Jacques Kerchache, Portrait, Quai Branly Museum, Paris, 2003
The Mumuye live in the foothills of the Shebshi Mountains near the banks of the Benue in eastern Nigeria. They used sculptures called Iagalagana in different rituals: the figures played a central role in ancestor worship and in curing ceremonies. Statues acted as intermediaries with the spirit world, contributing to bolster the status of the family that owned them.
The discovery in North-Eastern Nigeria of Mumuye statuary at the time of the « Biafra War » (1967-1970) came as a real shock. Out of the blue, a fascinatingly modern and inventive art became known to the Western public.
Mumuye sculptures are strikingly reminiscent of the works of major 20th century artists like Henry Moore or Alberto Giacometti.
Publication
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Africa
Large bowl
Archives | Marquesas Islands
Large bowl
Marquesas Islands
19th or early 20th century
Carved wood
Diameter : 27 in. – 68.5 cm
Provenance
Ex Sotheby’s Melbourne, 15-16 November, 2005, lot 24
Sold
These food bowls are known as “ko’oka” in the Marquesas.
Food in the Marquesas Islands was usually cooked in the earth oven (umu) and served in a variety of bowls made of wood, coconut shell or gourd.
As noted by British scholar Julian Harding, “Early wood food bowls such as this are very rare. The Hooper collection contained only one example (no.397; Phelps Plate 48), compared with 24 Marquesas clubs (u’u) in this collection. The outer surface of the bowls was decorated with a variety of motifs; this is an ancient tradition, noted by Fleurieu in 1791 and by Langsdorff in 1804.”
Carol S. Ivory and Eric Kjelgrenn in “Adorning the World, Art of the Marquesas Islands” (the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 2005) note that the first mention of decorative work on bowls was indeed made by Fleurieu, who visited the archipelago in 1791 and described "various wooden vessels which they make use of for their food, and on which they amuse themselves in carving or engraving figures of men, fishes, and birds."
Food in the Marquesas Islands was usually cooked in the earth oven (umu) and served in a variety of bowls made of wood, coconut shell or gourd.
As noted by British scholar Julian Harding, “Early wood food bowls such as this are very rare. The Hooper collection contained only one example (no.397; Phelps Plate 48), compared with 24 Marquesas clubs (u’u) in this collection. The outer surface of the bowls was decorated with a variety of motifs; this is an ancient tradition, noted by Fleurieu in 1791 and by Langsdorff in 1804.”
Carol S. Ivory and Eric Kjelgrenn in “Adorning the World, Art of the Marquesas Islands” (the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 2005) note that the first mention of decorative work on bowls was indeed made by Fleurieu, who visited the archipelago in 1791 and described "various wooden vessels which they make use of for their food, and on which they amuse themselves in carving or engraving figures of men, fishes, and birds."
Publication
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